Ten days before the NSW state election I published this story about abortion in NSW.
I dared to hope that we would see any mention of abortion removed from the NSW Crimes Act in this term of parliament. I'm thrilled that it took less than five months for the Independent member for Sydney Alex Greenwich to stand up in parliament and move a bill that will do exactly that. I am optimistic that his bill which is sponsored by MPs from all parties will easily pass both houses and become law.in a few days.
Greenwich dedicated his speech to his grandmother who, like many of us, campaigned for abortion rights in the last decades of the twentieth century.
Although these days, lots of information about how to access reproductive services including abortion at medical clinics is available on the internet, tonight some women will still go to bed knowing they want to terminate a pregnancy but have neither the funds or support that they need. Until abortion services are available through public hospitals and clinics throughout NSW, abortion will still not be affordable and accessible to all. But decriminalisation is an essential first step.
This story includes thoughts about our journey to this point and my own experiences and memories of the 1970s when I was in my twenties. It has been slightly edited and updated since it was first published by Altmedia.
NSW goes to the polls - March 2019
I’m daring to hope that this will be the last NSW election when abortion remains on the Crimes Act in NSW.
Abortion has always been available for those in the know, those with enough money and those who could find out where to go. When I was growing up in the 1950s and 60s. wealthy women with access to funds, which was by no means all of them, could get abortions. Sometimes terminations were called ‘curettes’ performed by specialist obstetricians. There were also several abortionists in Melbourne who worked quietly for cash money and paid the police.
If you couldn’t afford those options, there were backyard abortionists. I knew friends who had relatives who died after backyard abortions. Once while my mother was in hospital having a baby, my father (who was a doctor) discovered that the woman hired to look after us was a backyard abortionist with a drinking problem. She was made to leave.
In Sydney in the late 1960s, even if you knew the name of a doctor who was an abortionist, you needed to get sufficient cash to pay them. In my milieu of the Sydney Push, people would hope for a win at the races or for friends to help out, which they always did as far as I know. But getting your hands on hundreds of dollars was outside the reach of most women.
Around 1970, there was a police crackdown and the quietly run clinics closed down. Heatherbrae clinic in Bondi was raided by what was then called the vice squad and some doctors were arrested. The raid was carried out by the same all-male corrupt squad that routinely accepted bribes from prostitutes and sex shops and had charged me and others with publishing ‘indecent’ publications.
A friend and I went to the top of Sydney’s highest building Australia Square and threw thousands of pro-abortion leaflets off the roof. I remember that this same friend told me that before a doctor performed an abortion, he raped her.
During this period, it became extremely difficult to find doctors who would perform abortions. In Thorunka in 1971, we reported that one GP said he had three or four young women crying in his office every week. There were a couple of doctors that were still offering termination services but only very occasionally and for those who were carefully vetted and known not to be any sort of risk to cooperating with the police. Abortion had been forced underground.
This was the period when I had my first abortion. Another friend who was a doctor performed it on the kitchen table. He charged no money and was very supportive but it was a nerve-wracking experience. I knew I would not have been a good parent at that time and was in no position to support a child that I did not wish to have.
Many others during that period were not so lucky and unable to access abortion were made to have babies, some of whom were forcibly removed from their mothers’ arms on the delivery table. The rights of these women were doubly violated. Much of their suffering could have been avoided if they could have been given a choice to have either an abortion or a supported pregnancy. One of these women Darelle Duncan has been a leading activist in the campaign for abortion for many years. She told AAP that nearly 50 years ago, she was unable to access an abortion and her baby was later removed for adoption. "I understand totally what it means to be in a position where you are forced into a pregnancy," Darelle told AAP. "It changed my life irrevocably. It's a trauma that one never gets over."
Contraception back then was not easy. Some IUDs caused painful and dangerous inflammation, although more recent studies show that modern IUDs are safe. In my case, high dose pills also had unpleasant side effects. Eventually, I needed another abortion. This time I went by train with cash to a home in St Ives on the North Shore. I reacted badly to a local anaesthetic and felt extremely ill and faint. The doctor went off to play golf, leaving me in the house on my own. When he came back, he wanted to take me out to dinner. Feeling very uncomfortable I left the house and managed to get a taxi home. My memory is that the men I knew were in favour of these abortions but were only mildly interested and certainly never suggested coming with me. But looking back, I realise how privileged I was compared to many other women. I was never made to feel shameful for being pregnant or for having an abortion.
One of the women who assisted women during these years was abortion reform campaigner Julia Freebury. She ran a one-woman advice service - but again only a few with the right political and social contacts knew how to get her advice.
Jimmy Staples and the Levine judgement - clinics can now operate openly.
Another friend civil liberties lawyer Jimmy Staples played a huge role in successfully defending the Heatherbrae clinic doctors and owners in 1971. He did a deep investigation into the case law and was successful in establishing the principle that the notion of risk to the mother was an essential part of the history of abortion law. What became known as the Levine Judgement was seen as a huge relief and triumph for women at the time. Although abortion remained in the Crimes Act, terminations in NSW would now be considered lawful if two doctors agreed that continuing pregnancy will cause ‘serious danger’ to a woman’s physical and mental health.
Now for the first time, Preterm and other more radical feminist clinics managed only by women could open. The feminist clinics were underpinned by the idea that women should have control over their own bodies and health services for women.
But the campaign to repeal the law against abortion continued with a mass meeting in the Sydney Town Hall and published collective statements by women who had abortions. One of these included the name of Wendy McCarthy, who is a spokesperson for the current campaign.
By 1975 when the Whitlam government funded the first women’s health centres, we were able to refer women to clinics, which now operated openly offering safe abortions. Abortion was seen in the context of a holistic view of a woman’s right to reproductive and sexual health. My sister Dr Janet Bacon was one of the first women who took on being a doctor in a women’s health centre. She worked at different times in Sydney, Perth and Adelaide. Back then she and other doctors who bravely openly supported abortion and health centres run by women for women opened themselves up to criticism and marginalisation within their profession.
Major parties stall on reform. Enter the Greens
It was a whole new world, so much so that soon we didn’t talk so much about the fact that abortion was still in the Crimes Act. This turned out to be a big mistake, especially when the tide turned against the burgeoning Australian feminist movement. We must acknowledge however that a small groups of progressive women never stopped protesting against abortion laws.
In the 1990s, before the NSW Greens came on the scene, the Liberal and National Parties remained strongly opposed to the decriminalisation of abortion. There were always strong feminists in the Labor Party but there was also a strong Catholic influence, particularly in NSW where the ALP avoided the split that spawned the conservative Democrat Labor Party elsewhere in the country.
I remember when decriminalisation was mooted on occasions that Labor party women warned that if we raised the issue, the situation could get worse for women. I think they meant that they feared male politicians could move to overrule the Levine judgement. This situation continued until well into the 21st Century. This is not to suggest that there were not many Labor MPs ( and Liberal Party members for that matter) who have always strongly supported a women’s right to choose what they do with their body but they didn’t have the power or numbers to push the policy through their own party. As other states began to pass reforms, it seemed like the situation would remain grim in NSW.
Even when the NSW Greens came on the scene with a more radical social justice agenda, abortion tended to be regarded as a marginal issue and not a matter of core party business. Gradually that situation changed until the Party developed a full platform of feminist policies including strong support for decriminalisation. “Repeal all laws that restrict the right of women to choose abortion and restrict access to services.” is the current policy. Although the Premier Gladys Berejikilain and Opposition Leader Jodi McKay have indicated that they will support Alex Greenwich's bill, Labor, the Liberals and the National Parties are not prepared to push for reform, which is why there will be a conscience vote.
Breaking the Media silence
Another problem is that as feminist issues fell off the political agenda, a media silence developed around the subject of abortion. The first step towards support for decriminalisation was to show that abortion is not easily accessible or affordable for many NSW women.
Abortions can cost hundreds of dollars. I was shocked to discover that it was not possible to get an abortion in some regional cities in NSW.
I reflected on whether having moved past the period in my life when unwanted pregnancies were an issue, I had turned away from the issue of abortion. By then, I had two children with whom I shared parenting with my partner. Had I too assumed unthinkingly that the problem had gone away after the Levine judgement?
In the last five years, women doctors including the Medical Director of Family Planning Dr Deborah Bateson have shifted the public debate. They have exposed the critical issue of lack of access to services, especially in regional and rural areas of NSW. ( [Listen](https://abcmedia.akamaized.net/rn/podcast/2012/05/lms201205220905.mp3( to this important interview by Natasha Mitchell with Dr Bateson and Dr Caroline Da Costa on Life Matters in 2012). One the discussion fo what Mitchell referred to as a 'difficult subject', it was no longer possible to argue that there was no problem because termination services were available to all women who needed them.
The media silence was broken.
These women doctors and lawyers have led the way on reform by speaking in a down to earth way but also with professional authority to ensure that abortion is seen in the broader context of all reproductive health issues. They have helped put the issue back in the context of access to safe birth control. This reflects the earlier feminist women-centred approach. Significantly, they are now backed and supported by their own professional medical bodies. Significantly, this year the Royal Australian and New Zealand College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists joined a long list of organisations supporting decriminalisation.
Sharpe's Safe Zone bill passes. Leong successfully moves motion in support of abortion.
When asked about her attitude to abortion in 2018, Gladys Berejikilian described abortion as a sensitive matter and a matter of ‘conscience’. She defended the Minister for Women Tanya Davies who voted against a Safe Zone bill that established a 150-metre zone to protect women visiting abortion clinics from abuse and harassment. Davies and other conservative MPs framed the issue as a free speech one rather than an issue of a right of women to access health services safely. Labor Deputy Leader Penny Sharpe had moved the bill as a private member’s bill which began with its object, which was to “ensure that the entitlement of people to access health services, including abortions, is respected.”
It was during this debate on this bill that Greens MP Jenny Leong showed that a party committed to decriminalisation can make a difference. It was past midnight when right-wing MP Damien Tudehope moved an amendment to delete the original object and replace it with one that recognised the ‘illegality of abortion.’ It was past midnight. The movers of the bill were prepared to accept the watered down object and it looked like the amendment would get through. With Greens Jamie Parker and Tamara Smith’s support, Leong got to her feet and said that she and the other Greens would not support the amendment. She unexpectedly found support from the Minister for Health Brad Hazzard. The original object remained in the act which was then passed.
On an earlier occasion, Leong successfully moved a motion in the House of Assembly including these words: Women should have the right to make reproductive choices for themselves. Our laws and the policies of the Government should not restrict or prevent a woman’s right to choose. It is absolutely shameful that in New South Wales abortion is still in the Crimes Act; that in this State we are part of the problem that criminalises women and people making reproductive choices about their own bodies and their own lives.
Late last year, a group of doctors, lawyers and community services workers denounced NSW abortion laws as “archaic, cruel and degrading”. At the time, the Leader of the Opposition Michael Daley told the media that he would have to ask the women in his family what they thought before stating his position on abortion. That answer raised eyebrows – why wouldn’t he know? Daley has made it clear that under his leadership, the Labor Party will consider a debate about abortion as a matter of conscience.
At a briefing on the party’s women’s policy in March 2019, Greens MP Jenny Leong tackled the notion of a conscience vote head on. “I fail to see why what I should do with my body should be left to a man in a suit to decide,” she said. Some Labor women agree that abortion law reform should be a matter of policy, not conscience, but have not been able to get this position passed at ALP National Conference.
While the majority of NSW citizens support a woman’s right to choose, we can be sure that a minority will continue to campaign strongly against the decriminalisation of abortion. These include some of the forces who have rushed to defend Cardinal George Pell after his conviction for child abuse.
On the other hand, the policy announced by Labor’s Deputy Leader Tanya Plibersek yesterday – that Labor will require public hospitals to provide termination services, or risk having federal funding cut -is another step forward. ( Labor seemed to later back away from this amendment.)
Time for Optimism and Protest
Now is the time to obliterate abortion from the NSW Crimes Act. We have waited far too long for this moment. Earlier this year, the Women’s Electoral Lobby and other organisations formed a coalition of 60 health, legal and social justice organisations to campaign for the decriminalisation of abortion. A parliamentary working party came up with a draft bill that has now been moved by MP Alex Greenwich.
Tomorrow, we will protest again in favour of the bill outside parliament. One of the greatest joys and fortunate aspects of my own life is that the right time came for me to have children and tomorrow my daughter Emma will be protesting too. She is one of the thousands of younger women who are part of a new wave of feminism.